AN INVESTIGATION OF THE AGITATION AND CLAMORING FOR RESTRUCTURING OF NIGERIA FEDERATION

AN INVESTIGATION OF THE AGITATION AND CLAMORING FOR RESTRUCTURING OF NIGERIA FEDERATION

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Background of the study

For some months, the discourse of restructuring has dominated the public sphere, and this theme has been disseminated via the use of digital, print, and electronic media. Restructuring appears to be the in-thing currently in every quarter. Until the subject is acknowledged, every newspaper article, news broadcast, speech, and report is incomplete (Nnamdi, 2017). Previous leaders and public officials, such as former presidents, vice presidents, and governors; academics, civil society, professionals, students, politicians, religious leaders, and serving governors, among others, have all contributed to this national issue. This topic appears to re-echo and dominate public conversation across all geopolitical zones. This gives the sense that people are now waking up to the multiplicity of challenges that face the country and are ready to find solutions. Every geopolitical zone interprets restructuring differently. Restructuring in the South-East entails the formation of a new state. Restructuring involves resource control for the South-South. For the South-West, devolution of power means devolution of power, while the North may view it differently, but we are better off as an unified Nigeria (Okorocha, 2017).

Despite the fact that the notion of restructuring has taken on multiple connotations throughout Nigeria's six geopolitical zones as a result of the ongoing agitations, establishing a single interpretation that would be acceptable to everyone is difficult. This was due to the fact that when Nigeria became independence in 1960, it had three regional imbalances: autonomy and predominance for the so-called majority Hausa/Fulani in the north, Igbo in the east, and Yoruba in the west. Even before independence, according to Okoli (2004) in Edino and PAUL (2015:61), each ethnic group had its own political, economic, and administrative framework. This morphed into regionalism, giving major ethnic groups in the three areas more influence. Regardless, this agreement was chastised. The country's estimated 250 smaller or "minority" groups, which formed around one third of the regional and national populations, were the obvious casualties and predicted opponents of this trilateral federalism, according to Suberu (2001). He went on to say that the South-Western Yoruba and South-Eastern Igbo ethnic groups were the secondary victims of regional federalism, whose regional security was jeopardized by the Hausa-Fulani-dominated Northern Region's demographic preponderance and political advantage over the two southern regions, respectively. Calls for the country's reformation have dominated public conversation with a lot of attention and passion 56 years after independence. The introduction of Region and Native Authority administrations was a kind of reform under the First Republic. At the moment, stakeholders are focusing on enshrining fiscal federalism, resource control, state police, equity, justice, and fairness (Agbo, 2020). Following the sharp drop in the country's profits at the start of Buhari's civilian government, the decline in crude oil prices and the resumption of insurgency in the Niger Delta area, the rising threat of Fulani herders, and the attempt to revise the constitution, the subject became a hot topic (Odoshimokhe, 2017). Nigerian elders who lived through the pre-independence and First Republic periods spoke fondly of the First Republic's glory days, when there was healthy rivalry and competitiveness among the regions. As it was, the Regions enjoyed relative advantages based on abundant agricultural resources and animal husbandry. Long periods of dry weather interspersed with shorter times of rain throughout the year produced the agricultural Northern Region great harvests of Shea butter, groundnuts, millet, sorghum, maize, beans, yams, and many other crops, according to Nigeria's 50 Compendium (2010). Yams, cassava, rice, and millets abound in the Middle Belt's endless fields. Cocoa cultivation employed nearly 40% of the Western Region's total productive labor force at its peak. The export of cocoa beans provided up to 70% of the government's revenue. The Eastern Region, for its part, has clung to its primary economic tree - the palm tree – as its economic engine. Despite the fact that the color and race of the civil rulers had changed, regional governmental money stream had remained constant and predictable, although in terms of amount rather than content (2010:40, 41). Nonetheless, under the existing system, states merely go to Abuja once a month to receive handouts and squander them without regard for the need to invest in their economies. Along with this unfortunate situation, when Nigeria is compared to Brazil, the Asian Tigers, and other notable nations that were at the same level with her in the 1960s, Ndoma-Egba (2017), cited in Thisday (2017), stated that the argument for or against restructuring is simply economic, and that with the current structure, development cannot be assured because states were not created and administered on the basis of economic consideration. For example, each state should retain some autonomy in order to function similarly to the Regions during the First Republic. The need for restructuring has become the political cry of the 8th Republic, especially among the opposition and well-intentioned Nigerians. However, the calls are based on the reality that many things in the country are not doing well as a result of structural imbalance, as Onaiyekan (2017) highlighted in Thisday (2017). Nigeria's structural makeup, he argued, has to be rearranged since the country's constitution is flawed. Since restructuring has become the "song of praise" in this political era, the subject of what happens to ethnic minority groups has become a moot point. Which groups will benefit and which will suffer as a result of their religious beliefs? These issues are important since regionalism and state-building efforts during the First Republic and subsequent military regimes only served to further the interests of the Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo ethnic groupings. New, centrally supported state units, for these organizations, are more of a channel for federal economic and political patronage than a tool for guaranteeing self-governance for politically vulnerable populations (Suberu, 2001:128). The fight by ethnic minorities in Nigeria to restructure the country's political structure following independence through the formation of states and local administrations, in order to alleviate fears of marginalization by main ethnic groups, inevitably failed. As a result, ethnic minority elites, according to Suberu, have repeatedly decried the expanding use of state-creation machinery to advance the financial and political aggrandizement of main ethnic groups, as well as to promote economic dispossession and political marginalization of minorities.

 1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The call for restructuring has created a schism in the country (Agbo, 2020). Southern regions believe in it, although they have differing perspectives on what it entails. The Ibos in the Southeast believe that restructuring will ensure confederation in the constitution; the Yorubas in the Southwest want restructuring to return the country to regionalism; and the South South wants resource control. While the positions of the southern areas are not insurmountable, the three northern regions are a different story (Anini, 2019). The argument has pitted the south against the north, which is uninterested in any type of reorganization. Restructuring, according to prominent leaders from the south, is the only way to save the country from disintegrating. They believe that fiscal federalism and polity reform will promote Nigeria's unity and peaceful coexistence of many ethnic nations. "Nigeria is terribly ill today, because the Nigeria that our founding fathers like Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, and Sir Ahmadu Bello left to us is no longer what we have," Ijaw leader Chief Edwin Clark remarked. We had a constitution at independence that said that there would be three zones, none of which are superior to the others." According to former Commonwealth Secretary-General Chief Emeka Anyaoku, Nigeria's fragmentation is impending, and the only urgent answer is restructuring. Similarly, Afenifere head Ayo Adebanjo is threatening to split apart Nigeria unless zones are given autonomy over their resources. However, the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), a pan-northern socio-cultural organisation, has rejected the request for restructuring, claiming that what the country needs right now is competent leadership at all levels. Alhaji Mohammed Ibrahim, a spokesperson for the ACF, warned that heeding the proposal for restructuring would weaken the center. He claimed that Nigerians fought for unity and that the north could not accept anything that would bring division. Dr Junaid Muhammed, a prominent northern politician, claims that distinguished people advocating for restructuring are attempting to intimidate Nigerians into accepting an uncertain and fake system of administration. None of those clamoring for Nigeria's restructuring, according to the Second Republic politician, had been able to provide a clear explanation of what they meant. "I won't be convinced about the call until someone can explain me what this reorganization is all about," he continued. These restructuring agitators, such as Clark, Ayo Adebanjo, John Nwodo, and others, have not truly said what would be reorganized or how it will be done. That's how we were told: "Nigeria would collapse unless the Sovereign National Conference (SNC) is formed." Anyaoku, on the other hand, is adamant about restructuring, claiming that real federalism is required, with the existing six geopolitical zones serving as federating units. "Virtually all of the component states are not self-sustaining and are dependent on handouts from the Federal Government, because they are unable to pay the wages of their public officials and the agreed minimum wage," he said of the current federalism arrangement. Analysts believe that different ethnic groups should come to an agreement on how to restructure the country. They contended that the advocates of restructuring's differing perspectives had caused polity uncertainty. They also warned against those asking for restructuring taking a harsh stance and acting violently, since this might send the incorrect signals to the opposite side. The need for restructuring, according to legal luminary Malam Yusuf Ali (SAN), has added to the polity's disarray. Nigerians, he added, must agree on what they want to restructure rather than separate zones or ethnic groupings defining restructuring in their own interests. Restructuring, according to Ali, means different things to different ethnic groups or zones. For example, the Yoruba understanding of restructuring is regionalism and fiscal federalism, whereas the Igbos' perspective of restructuring is confederation, and the Southsouth seeks economic self-determination through restructuring. "We will not make headway unless there is unanimity across the ethnic groupings in the country on how to reconstruct Nigeria," he said, "and we will overheat the polity." Let's be on the same page on the fundamentals and quit causing havoc." Dr. Friday Ibok, a political scientist, claimed that there will be no peace without restructuring. He said that the 2014 National Conference provided the framework for restructuring, and that if its decisions are executed, they will put an end to the different agitations that are jeopardizing the country's peace and unity.

The conference, according to Ibok, suggested devolution of powers to the states, the establishment of state police, rotational presidency between the north and south, and among the six geopolitical zones, as well as the creation of 19 new states, four of which would be in the Southeast.

He was disappointed that the meeting did not address the problem of derivation and resource control, which is one of the factors fueling the restructuring movement. He said that the thorny problem had been resolved by the 1960 Independence and 1963 Republican constitutions, which stated that federating units should have autonomy over their economic activities and finances by keeping half of all income and donating the other half to the Federation Account. Mahmoud Haroun, a Kaduna-based lawyer, believes people behind the restructuring effort are those who failed in the previous general election. He stated that they are looking for political importance in the coming year. According to him, restructuring is the buzzword of a segment of the elite that feels excluded from governance, particularly at the federal level. To the disgruntled politicians, restructuring implies regional autonomy or resource control, according to Haroun. "The driving factor is that they should be in charge at the regional level if they can't be accommodated at the federal level," he continued. They argue that the federal government, or the center, is excessively strong, and that the only way out is to return resource ownership to states or geopolitical zones, which could then pay taxes to fund the federal government. Atiku Abubakar, the former Vice President, has jumped into the so-called restructuring discussion and has positioned himself as the main speaker. Apparently, the present restructuring argument in the north requires a strong champion, and Atiku fits the bill. The restructuring issue is just what Atiku needs to keep himself occupied as he prepares for another run at the Nigerian presidency. Too much politics has seeped into the restructuring discussion, turning it into a tool in the hands of those who have lost out in the present system and seek to divert President Muhammadu Buhari's attention." Hunger and abject poverty, according to Erubami, is what unites the impoverished people of the north, east, and west together. He believes that identifying shared adversaries and replacing them with caring, brave, devoted, and accountable leadership will free the poor. "Right now, there is nothing changed; the same old, unserious self-centered bunch are clamoring for reorganization that cannot be called to represent real popular mandate," he continued.

1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The objectives of the study are;

1. To examine the need for political restructuring of the Nigerian state.
2. To ascertain the benefits of restructuring in Nigeria.
3. To assess the impact of restructuring on National unity.

1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

For the successful completion of the study, the following research hypotheses were formulated by the researcher;  

H0: there are no benefits of restructuring in Nigeria 

H1: there are benefits of restructuring in Nigeria 

H02: there is no impact of restructuring on National unity

H2: there is no impact of restructuring on National unity

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The study will give a clear insight on the agitation and clamoring for restructuring of Nigeria federation. The study will be beneficial to students and the government of Nigeria. It will also serve as reference to other researchers that will embark on this topic

1.6 SCOPE AND LIMNITATION OF THE STUDY

The scope of the study covers the agitation and clamoring for restructuring of Nigeria federal. The researcher encounters some constrain which limited the scope of the study;

 a) AVAILABILITY OF RESEARCH MATERIAL: The research material available to the researcher is insufficient, thereby limiting the study

b) TIME: The time frame allocated to the study does not enhance wider coverage as the researcher has to combine other academic activities and examinations with the study.

c) Organizational privacy: Limited Access to the selected auditing firm makes it difficult to get all the necessary and required information concerning the activities.

 1.7 DEFINITION OF TERMS

 AGITATION: a state of anxiety or nervous excitement.

CLAMORING: make a vehement protest or demand

RESTRUCTURING: Restructuring is the corporate management term for the act of reorganizing the legal, ownership, operational, or other structures of a company for the purpose of making it more profitable, or better organized for its present needs

1.8 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

This research work is organized in five chapters, for easy understanding, as follows: Chapter one is concern with the introduction, which consist of the (overview, of the study), historical background, statement of problem, objectives of the study, research hypotheses, significance of the study, scope and limitation of the study, definition of terms and historical background of the study. Chapter two highlights the theoretical framework on which the study is based, thus the review of related literature. Chapter three deals on the research design and methodology adopted in the study. Chapter four concentrate on the data collection and analysis and presentation of finding.  Chapter five gives summary, conclusion, and recommendations made of the study

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